Milk Wagon Drivers Union, Local No 753, International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs Stablemen and Helpers of America v. Lake Valley Farm Products

Citation311 U.S. 91,85 L.Ed. 63,61 S.Ct. 122
Decision Date18 November 1940
Docket NumberNo. 20,20
PartiesMILK WAGON DRIVERS' UNION, LOCAL NO. 753, INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF TEAMSTERS, CHAUFFEURS, STABLEMEN AND HELPERS OF AMERICA et al. v. LAKE VALLEY FARM PRODUCTS, Inc., et al
CourtUnited States Supreme Court

Mr. Abraham W. Brussell, of Chicago, Ill., for petitioners.

Mr. Arthur R. Seelig, of Chicago, Ill., for respondents.

Mr. Justice BLACK delivered the opinion of the Court.

This proceeding presents two questions: First, Does there here exist a 'labor dispute' within the meaning of the Norris-LaGuardia Act?1 Second, If there is a 'labor dispute', must the jurisdictional prerequisites of the Norris-LaGuardia Act2 be complied with before injunc- tive process can be used against labor union accused of violating the Sherman Anti-Trust Act?3

The District Court found that this was a case 'involving or growing out of a labor dispute'; that plaintiffs (respondents here) had failed to satisfy the prerequisites of the Norris-LaGuardia Act; and that, accordingly, the court was without jurisdiction to grant either a temporary or a permanent injunction. The Circuit Court of Appeals reversed, one judge dissenting;4 it was the opinion of that court that the case did not grow out of a labor dispute, and that even if it had, a federal court would have jurisdiction to enjoin if the Sherman Act had been violated.5 Because of the importance of these questions, we granted certiorari.6

The Norris-LaGuardia Act applies to labor disputes between 'persons who are engaged in the same industry, trade, craft or occupation; or have direct or indirect interests therein.'7 Here, all of the parties have 'direct or indirect interests' in the production, processing, sale, and distribution of milk. Plaintiffs, who sought the injunction, were four: one was the Chicago local of a C.I.O. union, the Amalgamated Dairy Workers; two were Chicago dairies whose milk was processed and distributed by members of the C.I.O. union;8 the fourth was a Wisconsin cooperative association which supplied milk to the plaintiff dairies. Defendants were the Chicago local of the A.F. of L. Milk Wagon Drivers' Union, and its officials. The defendant union is a craft organization, limiting its membership to milk wagon drivers; the plaintiff union is organized along industrial lines, and its membership consists of all kinds of dairy workers, including inside help, office workers, wagon drivers, helpers, sweepers and janitors.

A brief statement as to the background of the controversy is necessary for a better understanding of the issues. The Chicago local of the A.F. of L. Milk Wagon Drivers' Union was organized in 1902. Since the organization, working conditions of the members have been materially improved; hours have been shortened, wages have been raised, and vacation periods with full pay have been secured. These better terms and conditions of employment have moved concurrently with a more or less steady increase in union membership and influence. At the time this litigation was begun the union had more than five thousand members.

With the approach and continuance of the depression of the early Thirties, the milk business, like other industries, was in acute distress. Loss of profits from decreased demand stimulated dairies to devise new and cheaper methods to obtain and serve customers. Under the long existing practice in Chicago, dairies had owned milk trucks and wagons, and had operated them with employee drivers—chiefly members of the A.F. of L. local. A major part of the business consisted of door-to-door deliveries to retail customers. Some of the A.F. of L. drivers also delivered milk to retail stores, those stores in turn selling to their customers. What appears to have been an insignificant part of the milk supply of pre-depression Chicago was delivered by retail milk 'peddlers' who bought from the dairy at wholesale and sold at retail from their own trucks or wagons. But with the depression this practice of sale by 'peddlers' expanded, branched out into sales to retail stores, and developed into what is called the 'vendor system'—around which revolves the present controversy. Retail peddling started the controversy; at the root of the conflict, however, is this later emerging 'vendor system', under which 'vendors' delivered milk at wholesale to retail stores. Under this system, plaintiff dairies make daily sales of milk to individuals owning their own trucks. These individuals, called 'vendors', resell the milk to retail stores. Unsold milk is no loss to the 'vendor', because the dairy takes it back at the full purchase price.

With the spread of this new competitive system, the business of the dairies employing union milk wagon drivers decreased. Many of the union drivers lost their jobs and were dependent upon their union's relief funds and upon public relief agencies for their support. How many of those who lost their jobs became unemployed as the result of the depression and how many were displaced by the growth of the 'vendor system' cannot be determined; both causes undoubtedly contributed.

The stores buying milk from plaintiff dairies through these vendors made a practice of selling it below the standard prices charged for milk supplied by dairies employing A.F. of L. drivers. Defendant union and its members claimed that the reason the price could be cut was that the vendors worked long hours, under unfavorable working conditions, without vacations, and with very low earnings. On the other hand, the vendors and the dairies utilizing their services asserted that the reason for the lower prices was that the vendor system was more economical, that under it more milk could be delivered by wholesale to the cash and carry cut-rate stores, and that such distribution cost less even on the same wage level than did door-to-door distribution. As the vendor system made increasing inroads on the business of the union dairies, the opposition of the defendant union became more active. Its members insisted that the vendor system constituted unfair competition, depressing labor standards. To combat it, they attempted—as the District Court found from the facts—to unionize the employees and vendors of the dairies utilizing this plan. Not succeeding in this attempt, in 1934 they began picketing the so- called cut-rate stores. The picketing was carried on almost continuously until this suit was filed. Pickets usually carried placards denouncing cut-rate stores as unfair to the A.F. of L. local. During the years in which this strife continued, store windows were broken, personal altercations occurred, charges and countercharges were frequent, arrests were made and court proceedings instituted. Finally, in March, 1938 about two months before the complaint was filed in this case—the vendors and the other employees of the plaintiff dairies organized the plaintiff union under a C.I.O. charter. Thereupon signs were placed inside the cut-rate store windows, announcing that the milk handled by the stores was processed and delivered by members of the plaintiff union. But this did not settle the long-standing controversy; the picketing continued, and this suit followed.

The petition for an injunction rests primarily upon the charge that the defendant union and its officials had entered into a conspiracy to interfere with and restrain interstate commerce in violation of the Sherman and Clayton Acts. It is contended by plaintiffs that the controversy is not a labor dispute within the meaning of the Norris-LaGuardia Act, but is an unlawful secondary boycott of which the purpose is not to unionize the vendors but to obtain for the defendants' employers a Chicago milk monopoly at a sustained high price level, contrary to the Sherman Act.

First. The complaint on its face is probably sufficient to show that a labor dispute existed.9 We need not decide that point, however, for the case proceeded to final judgment. Defendants filed an answer, and the court referred plaintiffs' motion for a temporary injunction to a special master. The master conducted extensive hearings, and heard evidence offered by both sides. In his report, the master found, in the language of the Norris-LaGuardia Act, that the case arose out of and involved a labor 'dispute between one or more employers or associations of employers and one or more employees or associations of employees', all of whom were engaged in the same industry, trade, craft or occupation, namely, the milk industry; that defendants had attempted for some time to unionize the employees of the plaintiff dairies and of other cut-rate dairies, and that the picketing was an effort on the part of the defendant to compel the vendors and wagon drivers of the dairies to join the defendant union for the purpose of improving working conditions and wages of vendors; that the working hours of the plaintiff dairies' employees were longer and the wage scales lower than the union standards.10 The District Court adopted the findings of the master, and made further findings of its own.

It is not material, as the Circuit Court of Appeals thought, that defendants' attempt to unionize the vendors was upon the condition that they would cease to handle milk as 'vendors' if admitted to membership in the union. There are few instances of attempted unionization in which a change to union membership would not require some alteration in the conditions or terms of employment. Union membership contemplates change—change which it is believed will bring about better working conditions for the employees. Moreover, the evidence offered by the plaintiffs themselves shows that membership in defendant union would have involved no substantial change in the vendors' relationship to the dairies. Truck drivers employed by dairies were eligible for membership in the defendant union, and plaintiffs' evidence showed that the 'vendors' were actually regarded as employees of the plaintiff dairies. The plaintiffs...

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