Hendrix Manufacturing Company v. NLRB, No. 20125.

• Court: United States Courts of Appeals. United States Court of Appeals (5th Circuit)
• Writing for the Court: HUTCHESON, Circuit , LUMBARD, , and BROWN, Circuit
• Citation: 321 F.2d 100
• Parties: HENDRIX MANUFACTURING COMPANY, Inc., Petitioner, v. NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD, Respondent.
• Decision Date: 24 July 1963
• Docket Number: No. 20125.

321 F.2d 100 (1963)

HENDRIX MANUFACTURING COMPANY, Inc., Petitioner,
v.
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD, Respondent.

No. 20125.

United States Court of Appeals Fifth Circuit.

July 24, 1963.

321 F.2d 101

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321 F.2d 102

George E. Duncan, Wells, Duncan & Beard, Beaumont, Tex., for petitioner

Marcel Mallet-Prevost, Asst. Gen. Counsel, Dominick L. Manoli, Associate Gen. Counsel, Jules H. Gordon, Atty., Stuart Rothman, Gen. Counsel, Warren M. Davison, Atty., N. L. R. B., Washington, D. C., for respondent.

Before HUTCHESON, Circuit Judge, LUMBARD, Chief Judge,^* and BROWN, Circuit Judge.

JOHN R. BROWN, Circuit Judge.

The Employer¹ petitions to set aside a cease and desist order of the Board based on violation of § 8(a) (1) of the Act, 29 U.S.C.A. § 158(a) (1)² and also its order issued in the consolidated proceeding requiring that a new election be held.³

321 F.2d 103

The Board cross petitions for enforcement of the § 8(a) (1) order⁴ and asserts a denial for want of jurisdiction as to the election order. We agree with the Board

Faced with a number of adverse findings as to numerous incidents, the Employer has a formidable task in overturning an order in a factual case involving not a single new critical, legal issue. When this huge record and the lengthy briefs are boiled down, the Employer's attack takes two forms. The first, and one entirely consistent with our limited function, is a frontal attack on the fairness of the proceeding before the Trial Examiner. The second, which wholly misconceives our role, is a massive assault on the findings because the Examiner ought to have credited the Employer's version, not that of the Complainants.

Considering the vast power which the Board has and the ofttimes decisive consequence of fact findings made by it or the Examiner, we have long recognized that this hearing must be impartially conducted by an Examiner whose conduct as presider, in the management of the proceedings, must measure up to the fundamental essentials of a fair trial. Bias, hostility, injudicious conduct are therefore out. NLRB v. National Paper Co., 5 Cir., 1954, 216 F.2d 859, 866; NLRB v. Phelps, 5 Cir., 1943, 136 F.2d 562, 563-564; Sardis Luggage Co. v. NLRB, 5 Cir., 1956, 234 F.2d 190, 192; Inland Steel Co. v. NLRB, 7 Cir., 1940, 109 F.2d 9, 20.

But we find no substantial indication of any such bias in this record. In the final analysis, the Employer's attack comes down to a series of rulings which it regards as intrinsically erroneous. These included such things as an asserted unwillingness on the Examiner's part to hear further legal argument on a motion, disparate treatment of leading questions put by the General Counsel and Employer's counsel, limiting the scope of some cross examination, the nature of the Examiner's discussion as to credibility resolution of one of the Employer's key witnesses' testimony, and the like. If there were errors, they were simply that and nothing more. They certainly did not measure up to proof of a general attitude of bias, partiality or injudicious behavior.

This brings us to the merits. We see no need to recite the facts in detail as to the occurrences found to constitute violations of § 8(a) (1). They all grow out of the intense preelection campaign preceding the election of August 10, 1961, which the complaining union lost.

As was its legal right, NLRB v. McGahey, 5 Cir., 1956, 233 F.2d 406, 409, the Employer made no bones about its opposition to the Union.⁵ This lead off for top management was a preelection speech made by George Trippe, Secretary-Treasurer of Employer, delivered to the assembled employees. It was neither charged nor found that the speech, as such, was a violation of the Act. The Board, with ample justification did regard this as an emphatic statement of anti-union attitude. In this sense it is properly "background" against which to measure statements, conduct, and the like made by other management spokesmen, especially in terms of the interpretation which the employees reasonably could put

321 F.2d 104

on such actions. More specifically, this would bear on the question whether, from the listeners' point of view, these statements by subordinate management constituted forbidden coercion, threats, or intimidation.⁶

We may assume, as Employer asserts, that there is a good deal of basis for the impression that management was genuinely anxious that its anti-union attitude not manifest itself in an illegal way through subordinate management representatives. But in connection with an unfair labor practice charge (and not, for example, a post-decree contempt for "willful" violation by an employer itself), an employer is pretty generally bound by what its spokesmen do and say. When, as done here, an employer sets out to campaign against a union, one of the risks is that out of zeal, ignorance, or otherwise, foremen, supervisors, and similar representatives in championing the anti-union cause will overstep the mark. Since it is the policy of the Act to protect employees in a free choice of a bargaining representative, the law looks to what the listener-employees reasonably could have inferred from what was said and done by one authorized to engage in the anti-union preelection campaign. It is what he said or did, not what he was told to say, do, or not say or do, that counts.

The campaign included a follow-up to Trippe's speech. Supervisors Prothro, Lester, Hall, Stout, Wilson, and Edward Trippe, made the rounds of all of the employees (over 200) at their work. Several did and said things — or so others say they said or did — which, if credited, constitute clear violations under § 8(a) (1). For example, Prothro told employee Burlson that if the Union was elected, the employees would not get bonuses, paid holidays, etc. To another, he said that if the Union came in, the current profit sharing plan would be discontinued. To still another, he warned that union victory spelled a strict time clock punch-out with no more time off when work is finished earlier as existed under the present system. To others, he openly solicited their assistance to go around and encourage other employees to vote against the Union. Prothro was a vigorous campaigner. The evidence ties him in directly to at least 11 identified employees. In each conversation there were warnings sounded in pretty clear terms that bonuses, pensions, holiday pay, and the like would be out if the Union won.

There were similar incidents, some equally strong, some not so strong as to other supervisors. Supervisor Lester had several conversations with employees about the bonuses. These too were subject to construction by the listener as a plain warning that Union victory meant discontinuance. He also interrogated employee Sudds closely about Sudds' attending a Union meeting downtown. In Lester's mind Sudds was connected through another employee (Shelley) whose car (so Lester thought) was being used by the two of them. Before it was over, word got to both Sudds and Shelley that Lester was checking on...