In re Wild, 19-13843

Citation994 F.3d 1244
Decision Date15 April 2021
Docket NumberNo. 19-13843,19-13843
Parties IN RE: Courtney WILD, Petitioner.
CourtUnited States Courts of Appeals. United States Court of Appeals (11th Circuit)

Paul Cassell, University of Utah College of Law, SALT LAKE CTY, UT, Bradley James Edwards, Edwards Pottinger, LLC, FORT LAUDERDALE, FL, for Petitioner.

Richard Christian Komando, Bradley Garrison & Komando, ORANGE PARK, FL, for Amicus Curiae NATIONAL CRIME VICTIM LAW INSTITUTE.

Jill E. Steinberg, Nathan Parker Kitchens, U.S. Attorney's Office, ATLANTA, GA, for Mandamus Respondent.

Allyson Newton Ho, Bradley George Hubbard, Gibson Dunn & Crutcher, LLP, DALLAS, TX, for Amici Curiae DIANE FEINSTEIN, ORRIN HATCH and JON KYL.

Before WILLIAM PRYOR, Chief Judge, and WILSON, MARTIN, JILL PRYOR, NEWSOM, BRANCH, LUCK, LAGOA, BRASHER, TJOFLAT, and HULL, Circuit Judges.*

NEWSOM, Circuit Judge, delivered the opinion of the Court, in which WILLIAM PRYOR, Chief Judge, and WILSON, LAGOA, BRASHER, and TJOFLAT, Circuit Judges, joined, and in which in LUCK, Circuit Judge, joined as to Parts IB, II, III, IVA, IVB1-3a, IVC, IVD1, and V.

WILLIAM PRYOR, Chief Judge, filed a concurring opinion, in which NEWSOM, LAGOA, and TJOFLAT, Circuit Judges, joined.

NEWSOM, Circuit Judge, filed a concurring opinion.

TJOFLAT, Circuit Judge, filed a concurring opinion, in which WILLIAM PRYOR, Chief Judge, and WILSON, NEWSOM, and LAGOA, Circuit Judges, joined.

BRANCH, Circuit Judge, filed a dissenting opinion, in which MARTIN, JILL PRYOR, and HULL, Circuit Judges, joined.

HULL, Circuit Judge, filed a dissenting opinion.

NEWSOM, Circuit Judge:

This petition for writ of mandamus arises under the Crime Victims’ Rights Act, 18 U.S.C. § 3771. Petitioner Courtney Wild is one of more than 30 women who, according to allegations that we have no reason to doubt and therefore accept as true in deciding this case, were victimized by notorious sex trafficker and child abuser Jeffrey Epstein. In her mandamus petition, Ms. Wild asserts that when federal prosecutors secretly negotiated and executed a non-prosecution agreement with Epstein in 2007, they violated her rights under the CVRA—in particular, her rights to confer with and to be treated fairly by the government's lawyers.

We have the profoundest sympathy for Ms. Wild and others like her, who suffered unspeakable horror at Epstein's hands, only to be left in the dark—and, so it seems, affirmatively misled—by government attorneys. Even so, we find ourselves constrained to deny Ms. Wild's petition. While the CVRA permits a crime victim like Ms. Wild to "mov[e]" for relief within the context of a preexisting proceeding—and, more generally, to pursue administrative remedies—it does not authorize a victim to seek judicial enforcement of her CVRA rights in a freestanding civil action. Because the government never filed charges against Epstein, there was no preexisting proceeding in which Ms. Wild could have moved for relief under the CVRA, and the Act does not sanction her stand-alone suit.

I
A

The facts underlying this case, as we understand them, are beyond scandalous—they tell a tale of national disgrace.

Over the course of eight years, between 1999 and 2007, well-heeled and well-connected financier Jeffrey Epstein and multiple coconspirators sexually abused more than 30 young girls, including Ms. Wild, in Palm Beach, Florida and elsewhere in the United States and abroad. Epstein paid his employees to find girls and deliver them to him—some not yet even 15 years old. Once Epstein had the girls, he either sexually abused them himself, gave them over to be abused by others, or both. Epstein, in turn, paid bounties to some of his victims to recruit others into his ring.

Following a tip in 2005, the Palm Beach Police Department and the FBI conducted a two-year investigation of Epstein's conduct. After developing substantial incriminating evidence, the FBI referred the matter to the United States Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida. Beginning in January 2007, and over the course of the ensuing eight months, Epstein's defense team engaged in extensive negotiations with government lawyers in an effort to avoid indictment. At the same time, prosecutors were corresponding with Epstein's known victims. As early as March 2007, they sent letters advising each one that "as a victim and/or witness of a federal offense, you have a number of rights." The letters, which the government distributed over the course of about six months, went on to enumerate the eight CVRA rights then in force—including, as particularly relevant here, "[t]he reasonable right to confer with the attorney for the [Government] in the case" and "[t]he right to be treated with fairness and with respect for the victim's dignity and privacy."

By May 2007, government lawyers had completed both an 82-page prosecution memo and a 53-page draft indictment alleging that Epstein had committed numerous federal sex crimes. In July, Epstein's lawyers sent a detailed letter to prosecutors arguing that, in fact, Epstein hadn't broken any federal laws. By mid-September, the sides had exchanged multiple drafts of what would become an infamous non-prosecution agreement (NPA). Pursuant to their eventual agreement, Epstein would plead guilty in Florida court to two state prostitution offenses, and, in exchange, he and any coconspirators (at least four of whom have since been identified) would receive immunity from federal prosecution.1 In June 2008, Epstein pleaded guilty to the state crimes as agreed and was sentenced to 18 months’ imprisonment, 12 months’ home confinement, and lifetime sex-offender status.

The district court found that "[f]rom the time the FBI began investigating Epstein until September 24, 2007"—when the government formally executed the NPA with Epstein—federal prosecutors "never conferred with the victims about a[n] NPA or told the victims that such an agreement was under consideration." Doe 1 v. United States , 359 F. Supp. 3d 1201, 1208 (S.D. Fla. 2019). Worse, it appears that prosecutors worked hand-in-hand with Epstein's lawyers—or at the very least acceded to their requests—to keep the NPA's existence and terms hidden from victims. The NPA itself provided that "[t]he parties anticipate that this agreement will not be made part of any public record" and, further, that "[i]f the United States receives a Freedom of Information Act request or any compulsory process commanding the disclosure of the agreement, it will provide notice to Epstein before making that disclosure." Moreover, at approximately the same time that the sides concluded the NPA, they began negotiating about what prosecutors could (and couldn't) tell victims about the agreement. Seemingly in deference to Epstein's lawyers’ repeated requests, the government held off—for nearly an entire year—on notifying Epstein's victims of the NPA's existence.

And to be clear, the government's efforts appear to have graduated from passive nondisclosure to (or at least close to) active misrepresentation. In January 2008, for example, approximately four months after finalizing and executing the NPA, the government sent a letter to Ms. Wild stating that Epstein's case was "currently under investigation," explaining that "[t]his can be a lengthy process," and "request[ing her] continued patience while [it] conduct[ed] a thorough investigation." The government sent a similar letter to another victim in May 2008, some eight months after inking the NPA.2

If secrecy was the goal, it seems to have been achieved—there is no indication that any of Epstein's victims were informed about the NPA or his state charges until after he pleaded guilty. On the day that Epstein entered his guilty plea in June 2008, some (but by no means all) victims were notified that the federal investigation of Epstein had concluded. But it wasn't until July 2008—during the course of this litigation—that Ms. Wild learned of the NPA's existence, and until August 2008 that she finally obtained a copy of the agreement.

We are doubtlessly omitting many of the sad details of this shameful story. For our purposes, we needn't discuss the particulars of Epstein's crimes, or the fact that the national media essentially ignored for nearly a decade the jailing of a prominent financier for sex crimes against young girls.3 Today, the public facts of the case are well known—Epstein was eventually indicted on federal sex-trafficking charges in the Southern District of New York, and in August 2019, while awaiting trial, he was found dead in his jail cell of an apparent suicide.

B

In July 2008, Ms. Wild brought suit in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida, styling her initial pleading—which she filed ex parte , without naming a defendant—an "Emergency Victim's Petition for Enforcement of Crime Victim's Rights Act." As the district court explained, "because no criminal case was pending" at the time—no federal charges having been filed against Epstein or anyone else—Ms. Wild "filed [her] petition as a new matter ... which the Clerk of Court docketed as a civil action" against the United States. Does v. United States , 817 F. Supp. 2d 1337, 1341 n.4 (S.D. Fla. 2011). Ms. Wild alleged that she was a "crime victim" within the meaning of the CVRA and that by keeping her in the dark about their dealings with Epstein, federal prosecutors had violated her rights under the Act—in particular, her rights "to confer with the attorney for the Government in the case," 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(5), and "to be treated with fairness and with respect for [her] dignity and privacy," id . § 3771(a)(8).4 She asked the court to "order the United States Attorney to comply with the provisions of the CVRA ...."

Over the course of the ensuing decade, the district court issued a number of significant rulings. For our purposes, three of the court's orders are particularly important.

Initially, in 2011 the district court "addresse[d] the threshold issue whether the CVRA attaches before the government brings formal charges...

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