Ortiz-Resto v. Rivera-Schatz

Decision Date22 June 2021
Docket NumberCIVIL ACTION NO. 17-02362-WGY
Citation546 F.Supp.3d 126
Parties Julio ORTIZ-RESTO et al., Plaintiffs, v. Thomas RIVERA-SCHATZ, Gabriel Hernandez, Roberto Maldonado-Velez et al., Defendants.
CourtU.S. District Court — District of Puerto Rico

Eileen Landron-Guardiola, Luis A. Rodriguez-Munoz, Eduardo A. Vera-Ramirez, Landron & Vera LLC, San Juan, PR, Julio Cesar Alejandro-Serrano, Toa Baja, PR, for Plaintiffs Julio Ortiz-Resto, Carlos Guerra-Cruz, Jose Fuentes-Rodriguez, Carmen Pabon-Cottea, Rey Andino-Plaza, Ramon Rivera-Lopez, Wilfredo Diaz-Jimenez, Benyamil Morales-Colon, Kelvy Santiago-Rodriguez, Elizabeth Colon-Rodriguez, Adolf Morales-Ruiz, Xiomara Rivera-Cabrera, Carlos Cirino-Robles, Hector Figueroa-Vazquez, Lynnette Lopez-Ojeda, Pierre Vega-Alameda, Emanuel Correa-Colon, Hector Santiago-Hernandez, Francisco Reyes-Negron, Horidel Pons-Anaya, Giselle Ocasio-Morales, Gamalier Cardona-Sanchez, Jennifer Hernandez-Adorno, Jean Carlos Colon-Rivera, Luis Ojeda-Rodriguez, Jonathan Torres-Ovalles, Nancy Lopez-Morales, Ileana Perez-Mendez, David Silva-Irizarry, Lourdes Ruiz-Andrino, Jessica Rivera-Ferrer, Noel Berrios-Rodriguez, Jose Rivera-Parilla, Jose Melendez-Lebron, Larry Rondon-Vazquez, Carlos Kuidland-Diaz, Ana Rodriguez-Santana, Ramphis Baez-Calderon, Christopher Decene-Garcia, Felix Rivera-Rolon, Denise Rivera-Colon, Eli Diaz-Jimenez, Julia Rodriguez-Lopez.

Julio Cesar Alejandro-Serrano, Toa Baja, PR, Luis A. Rodriguez-Munoz, Landron & Vera LLC, San Juan, PR, for Plaintiffs Luis Antonio Chico Rios, Miguel Alfonso Chico Rios, Manuel Chico Rios, Roberto Chico Rios.

Claudio Aliff-Ortiz, Sheila J. Torres-Delgado, Aldarondo & Lopez Bras, PSC, Guaynabo, PR, David R. Rodriguez-Burns, Trujillo Alto, PR, Joel Torres-Ortiz, Department of Justice of Puerto Rico, Jose A. Cabiya-Morales, Cabiya & Molero Law Office P.S.C., San Juan, PR, for Defendants Thomas Rivera-Schatz, Roberto Maldonado-Velez, Gabriel Hernandez.

Claudio Aliff-Ortiz, Sheila J. Torres-Delgado, Aldarondo & Lopez Bras, PSC, Guaynabo, PR, David R. Rodriguez-Burns, Trujillo Alto, PR, Jose A. Cabiya-Morales, Cabiya & Molero Law Office P.S.C., San Juan, PR, for Defendants Conjugal Partnership Rivera-Doe, Conjugal Partnership Maldonado-Doe, Conjugal Partnership Hernandez-Doe.

MEMORANDUM OF DECISION

YOUNG, D.J.1

I. INTRODUCTION

On March 9, 2021, defendants Thomas Rivera-Schatz, Gabriel Hernández, and Roberto Maldonado-Velez (collectively, "the Defendants") noticed an interlocutory appeal of this Court's February 8, 2021, partial denial of summary judgment, Order (Feb. 8, 2021) ("Order 1"), ECF No. 133, without identifying the issue that would permit such an extraordinary appeal, Notice of Appeal, ECF No. 137. On May 10, 2021, the Defendants clarified with the First Circuit Court of Appeals that the basis of their interlocutory appeal is the Court's denial of qualified immunity as to three plaintiffs: Elizabeth Colón-Rodríguez ("Colón-Rodríguez"), Pierre Vega-Alameda ("Vega-Alameda"), and Horidel Pons-Anaya ("Pons-Anaya").2 "[W]here, as here, a denial of summary judgment implicates a claim of qualified immunity, the dividing line between appealable and nonappealable denials of summary judgment is blurred." Norton v. Rodrigues, 955 F.3d 176, 184 (1st Cir. 2020) (quoting Morse v. Cloutier, 869 F.3d 16, 22 (1st Cir. 2017) (quotations and citations omitted)). As the First Circuit teaches, "the crucial distinction between appealable and non-appealable summary judgment orders denying qualified immunity is this: purely legal rulings implicating qualified immunity are normally reviewable on an interlocutory appeal, but rulings turning on either an issue of fact or an issue perceived by the trial court to be an issue of fact are not." Id. (brackets, citation, and quotations omitted). As discussed below, there are questions of fact -- or perceived questions of fact -- that preclude judgment as matter of law on the issue of qualified immunity as to these plaintiffs at this stage of the litigation.

II. BACKGROUND
A. The Costly Perpetual War Between the Puerto Rico Political Parties

The disheartening history of political retribution between the major political parties in Puerto Rico is well known to the First Circuit:

Puerto Rico has two major political parties that dominate the electoral landscape: the Popular Democratic Party (PDP) and the New Progressive Party (NPP). Control of the government periodically switches between the two parties. Entirely too often, the political party assuming office terminates the employment of public employees who are affiliated with the party going out of power and then fills those vacancies with its own members. By the same token, the outgoing party attempts to secure the continued tenure of its members in public jobs through a variety of devices, such as reclassifying policy-type appointments as career positions or making appointments in violation of Puerto Rico law.... [A]dministrations in Puerto Rico have continued to take employment actions against public employees because of their political affiliations. With each change in administration -- at both the commonwealth and municipal levels -- the federal district courts in Puerto Rico are flooded with hundreds of political discrimination cases, many of which are appealed.

Sanchez-Lopez v. Fuentes-Pujols, 375 F.3d 121, 125-26 (1st Cir. 2004). What is unique to this landscape is that public officials are keenly aware of and follow the decisions of this district and the First Circuit. As the late Judge Torruella pointed out:

This circuit leads the nation as one of the most prolific generators of political discrimination cases; in this area of litigation, the District of Puerto Rico has the dubious distinction of being the most fecund district in the circuit. See Morales-Santiago v. Hernández-Pérez, 488 F.3d 465, 466 (1st Cir. 2007) ("[I]n Puerto Rico, a change between the Popular Democratic Party (PDP) and the New Progressive Party (NPP) [gives rise to] overly zealous political operatives of the prevailing party terminat[ing], demot[ing], or reduc[ing] the salaries of employees affiliated with the outgoing opposition party."). As a result of the proliferation of these cases and their public notoriety, the legal precepts established by them are widely known in Puerto Rico, particularly by those in public administration.

López-Quiñones v. P.R. Nat'l Guard, 526 F.3d 23, 29 (1st Cir. 2008) (Torruella, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (emphasis added). Student commentators have recently observed the breathtaking scope of the problem:

[A]fter the end of the PDP's dominance in the 1968 elections, every election cycle has brought with it a string of politically motivated dismissals both at the state and local level. Public servants in Puerto Rico are thus subject to the ever-changing winds of electoral politics, undermining the principle of merit, and destabilizing the public administration of the Commonwealth. The economic effect wrought by this nefarious tradition is staggering. Both the Court of Appeals for the First Circuit and Supreme Court of Puerto Rico have felt the need to remark on the costs brought on by politically discriminatory dismissals. In a 1993 study, the Puerto Rico Civil Rights Commission estimated the total cost of political discrimination lawsuits over a five year period to be over 100 million dollars. Another study identified four municipalities that had to take out loans with the Government Development Bank for Puerto Rico and the Treasury Department to be able to pay outstanding claims. Municipalities alone paid more than thirty-nine million dollars in settlements and jury awards between 2000 and 2008, and this does not take into account litigation costs like legal fees, or employer contributions to the state retirement system that must be paid if the employee is reinstated. As the introductory quotation to this article suggests, however, the most severely hit may be the dismissed employees. As of April, 2016, public sector employment as a share of total employment equaled 25.76%, and, as such, the government is the largest single employer in the island. In an economy where less than 40% of the working age population is employed and which suffers from an 11.9% unemployment rate, losing a government job can be a devastating blow for which there is no readily available replacement.
The scale of this problem is made evident in the federal court system where, in comparative terms, the number of political discrimination cases hailing from the District Court for the District of Puerto Rico far outnumbers political discrimination cases from other federal districts. A tangential effect of the disproportionate representation of Puerto Rico in these cases has been the influence the First Circuit has exerted over other circuits in the development of public employment political discrimination jurisprudence.

Alexandra Sabater Baerga & Jean R. Santiago Cruz, A Spoiled Spoils System: Puerto Rico's Epidemic of Political Discrimination and the Federal Courts, 85 Rev. Jur. U.P.R. 1327, 1328-30 (2016) (footnotes omitted). According to these commentators, from 1970 to 2015, the District of Puerto Rico entertained 276 political discrimination cases. Id. at 1347-48 They conclude:

The numbers speak for themselves. It is evident that political discrimination is a pervasive problem at all levels of government in Puerto Rico and drains government resources both directly through awards and indirectly through litigation. The standard is not to blame. These cases are fact intensive and require sufficient pleadings to establish causation between knowledge and action.

Id. at 1352; see Rodríguez-Marín v. Rivera-González, 438 F.3d 72, 75 (1st Cir. 2006) ("Discrimination based on political-party affiliation is rampant in government employment in Puerto Rico.... It has cost Puerto Rican taxpayers dearly in verdicts paid from public funds.").

B. The First Circuit's Prohibition of Incoming...

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