Schwarzenbach-Huber Company v. NLRB

Decision Date05 March 1969
Docket NumberNo. 130,Docket 32286.,130
Citation408 F.2d 236
PartiesThe SCHWARZENBACH-HUBER COMPANY, Petitioner, v. NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD, Respondent, and Textile Workers Union of America, AFL-CIO, Intervenor.
CourtU.S. Court of Appeals — Second Circuit

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Marshall C. Berger, New York City (Robert Abelow and Weil, Gotshal & Manges, New York City, on the brief), for petitioner.

Richard N. Chapman, Atty., N.L.R.B., Washington, D. C. (Arnold Ordman, Gen. Counsel, Dominick L. Manoli, Associate Gen. Counsel, Marcel Mallet-Prevost, Asst. Gen. Counsel, and Lawrence M. Joseph, Atty., N. L. R. B., Washington, D. C., on the brief), for respondent.

Daniel B. Jordan, New York City (Cornelius J. Collins, Jr., New York City, on the brief), for intervenor.

Before MEDINA and WATERMAN, Circuit Judges, and LEVET, District Judge.*

MEDINA, Circuit Judge:

Schwarzenbach-Huber Company, a textile manufacturing concern with its principal place of business in New York City, petitions this Court to review and set aside an order of the National Labor Relations Board and the Board cross-petitions for enforcement.

This case presents a sequence of events in a familiar pattern. The Textile Workers Union of America AFL-CIO used what is now commonly called the "representation" card method of obtaining the support of a majority of the production and maintenance workers in the Company's Juniata plant in Altoona, Pennsylvania. Claiming to have cards signed by a majority of the workers in the unit, the Union by letter of February 9, 1967 demanded a recognition of the Union and immediate collective bargaining. On February 13, 1967 the Union filed a petition for an election. On February 14, 1967 the Company by letter expressed its doubt that the Union represented "most or many" of its employees in the unit. The letter also joined in the Union's request for an election. On March 16, 1967 the election was held and the Union lost by a substantial margin. Thereafter proceedings were instituted by the Union to set the election aside, to establish various alleged unfair labor practices by the Company and to order the Company, without any new election, to bargain with the Union. These proceedings were consolidated; and, after a hearing and findings by the Trial Examiner, the Board set the election aside, held the Company's doubt that the Union had a majority was not a good faith doubt, sustained in toto all the claims of unfair labor practices; and, finally, on the ground that the unfair labor practices were so outrageous and pervasive as to dissipate the Union's majority prior to the election and that they made any new election in the foreseeable future impracticable, the Board ordered the Company to bargain with the Union.

We hold that neither on February 9th nor at any time prior to February 14th did the Union have in its possession valid cards signed by a majority of its production and maintenance employees. We set aside as not supported by substantial evidence on the record as a whole the finding that the Company's doubt that the Union had in its possession cards signed by a majority of its production and maintenance employees was not a claim made in good faith. We sustain the Board's finding of two of the alleged unfair labor practices. As to the other findings of alleged unfair labor practices, we set them aside and refuse enforcement on the ground that such findings of unfair labor practices are not supported by substantial evidence on the record as a whole. We set aside and refuse to enforce the bargaining order as the Union did not have a majority, as the Company's doubt that the Union had a majority was made in good faith and as the making of a bargaining order under the circumstances of this case would clearly not effectuate the purposes of the Act.

PART I

The Bargaining Order.

The propriety of enforcing an order to bargain after a union has lost a representation election depends on the resolution of three questions: (1) whether the Union in fact had a majority; (2) whether the employer refused to bargain because of a good faith doubt of such majority, if the Union had a majority; (3) whether on all the facts of the election situation a bargaining order is an appropriate remedy for enforcing the policy of the National Labor Relations Act.

A Did the Union Have a Majority?

The initial inquiry must, of course, relate to the number of employees in the unit. The Trial Examiner, all of whose findings were adopted by the Board, finds the unit was composed of 197 employees. This included Joan Iaia and Ruby Evans, to the inclusion of whom, says the Trial Examiner, the General Counsel "takes no serious exceptions." Indeed, there was no basis for any objection whatever, as these two women were classified as weavers, they spent most of their time on the floor operating the looms and only a part of their time teaching the others how to operate the looms. The name of Marjorie Krise is apparently omitted, as her name "does not appear on the eligibility list as prepared by the Company for the March 16 election." Mrs. Krise should have been included in the unit. The uncontradicted evidence is that she and her husband had worked in the plant for a long time. In November, 1966 she told the Company "I'd like a layoff for medical and personal reasons." While she considered her personal health a private matter, there is other evidence in the record to indicate that the layoff was due to an allergy she had for silk and silk was then being worked in the plant. In February of 1967 her husband noticed that certain jobs were indicated on the Bulletin Board and she told him that she was interested in going back to work and would he see Mr. Kozak, the Pesonnel Manager. He saw Mr. Kozak who said he would be glad to see her. This was reported to Mrs. Krise. She saw Mr. Kozak and went back to the plant on February 20th. She had previously worked as a creeler but came back in a different department as an examiner, clearly within the category of a production or maintenance worker. If the fact that her name was not on the eligibility list has any significance, it is sufficient to say that the eligibility list was prepared as of the period "ending February 11, 1967," prior to the time when Mrs. Krise came back to work. As the name of Joyce Jewell, who quit work after the preparation of the eligibility list was eliminated, it is clear that the name of Marjorie Krise should have been included.

Thus the unit becomes 198. The name of Vivian Becker, who was a regular worker but who was laid off temporarily in the early part of February because she had to find a new babysitter to take care of her children while she worked, should also have been included. This brings the total in the unit to 199.

The next consideration is the cutoff date. The Board concedes in footnote 20 on page 23 of its brief that "it does not rely on cards signed after February 14."1 The Trial Examiner does not clearly state the fact that on February 9th, when the initial demand for recognition was made, the Union did not have a majority. But he finds that between February 9th and February 14th "4 additional employees signed representation cards," and he says the Union thus "obtained a majority of 103 cards out of a total of 199 unit employees, even assuming that Becker and Krise are to be included in the unit." This is on the theory that the Union's demand was of a continuing nature.

We hold that under the circumstances of this particular case the cutoff date is February 9, 1967, when the letter claiming a majority was sent by the Union. Since we find, as is disclosed in the ensuing discussion, that the Union had no majority on February 9, 1967, a compelling reason for this ruling is afforded by the fact that Frazier directed a wholesale distribution of copies of this letter at the plant gates on February 10. The intended effect of this widespread diffusion of the Union's false claim that it had a majority was undoubtedly to bring the reluctant sheep into the fold by telling them the fight was over, the Union had won and they might as well get on the bandwagon. No cards handed to the Union after the making of such a misrepresentation could possibly be deemed valid.2

We turn to the cards. During the oral argument of this case we made a request that the cards be sent to us. When they arrived they had been thoroughly shuffled and scrambled. It did not seem possible to arrange them in a meaningful way. But continued study of what appeared on the face, and what appeared also on the reverse side of each card, finally led to a solution which perhaps we should have noted in the beginning. The key to the cards is to be found in the symbol appearing on the reverse side of each card on the right near the top. When these cards are arranged in sequence from 1 to 122, in accordance with the symbols appearing on the reverse side of the cards, we can get a completely dependable factual pattern of the order in which the cards were counted. So that this may be checked by any interested person, we have added as an Appendix to this opinion a complete list of the 122 cards, arranged in the order just above described, together with the data appearing both on the face and on the reverse side of each card, including the date and time of filing with the Board.

The Examiner finds that the 4 additional employees above referred to are represented by cards numbered 101, 96, 100 and 102 and he thus reaches the erroneous conclusion that the Union had 103 cards on February 14, 1967. Card No. 96 is particularly interesting. It is the card of Helen McKendree. The date is "2 1967." It was received at the plant gate on February 10, 1967 at the very time that copies of the Union's letter claiming a majority were being distributed. But it is erroneously given the number 96. It could not properly be counted as constituting one of the...

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